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- From: Blythe Systems <nytransfer@igc.apc.org>
- Newsgroups: alt.native
- Date: 28 Dec 92 23:30 PST
- Subject: 500 Years of White Unity
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- From: Blythe Systems <nytransfer>
- Subject: 500 Years of White Unity
-
- /* Written 8:58 pm Dec 28, 1992 by mim@nyxfer.UUCP in igc:gen.racism */
- /* ---------- "500 Years of White Unity" ---------- */
- Subject: 500 Years of White Unity
- From: nyxfer!mim (Maoist Intl'ist Mvmnt)
-
-
- Via The NY Transfer News Service * All the News that Doesn't Fit
-
- from the Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM)
-
- MIM Notes, Issue 69: October, 1992
-
-
- 500 Years of White Unity
-
- by MC12
-
- Many people have chosen the 500 year anniversary of the landing of
- Cristobal Colon as an opportunity to denounce the colonial
- conquest of the peoples and lands of these continents. The
- occasion must also be noted for what it is today: a milestone in
- the *unbroken chain* of Amerikan oppression which stretches
- through half a millennium.
-
- MIM has always emphasized that Amerikan oppression is national
- oppression -- the exploitation of nations by a whole nation. Since
- the first poor whites demanded total subjugation of native
- peoples, and their working class compatriots in Europe clamored
- for cheaper consumer commodities produced by slaves, the oppressor
- nation has, as a whole, feasted on the spoils of genocidal
- Amerika.
-
- That is why, from the perspective of the oppressed nations, the
- "left" and "right" of Amerikan politics are so hard to tell apart.
- In the 1600s, white farmers led a revolt (Bacon's rebellion) to
- demand more land-grabbing war on native people, and, in Bacon's
- words, the "utter Ruine and destruction" (sic) of all Indians. The
- event is considered a milestone of "democratic resistance" for the
- Amerikan left.(1)
-
- In the 1700s, the incipient white working class rallied around the
- Amerikan revolution in order to gain more control over the state's
- tools of repression and exploitation, and to develop independent
- capitalism. Sixty-five thousand slaves joined the war on the side
- of the British, more than 10 times the number who fought for
- settler Amerika -- and many more used the crisis as a chance to
- fight for freedom on their own. Most of the Amerikan left
- maintains that revolution as the birth of democracy in Amerika,
- starting a tradition which must now be remade. The oppressed know
- that the innovation of that era was the reuniting of Amerikan
- nationals against their subjects, the native, Black and other
- oppressed nations.(2)
-
- In the 1800s, modern capitalism gave birth to the Amerikan labor
- movement. Its leaders fought for the elevation of white workers,
- the extension of slavery, and the exclusion of oppressed peoples
- from all spheres of power. When Chinese workers struck for better
- conditions in the West, white workers forced their unions to
- organize boycotts of goods which were not "Made with White Labor
- Only." In 1879, 99% of California white voters voted to ban
- Chinese immigration, after Chinese workers had built the railroads
- out West and made huge tracts of California lands suitable for
- growing crops.(3)
-
- After the bourgeoisie finally convinced white workers that slavery
- was an infeasible economic system, white workers and their allies
- took their battles to the streets of Northern cities, fighting to
- keep Black workers (who were often driven off what little land
- they had by white settlers) in the lowest industries, jobs and
- neighborhoods.(4)
-
- White "feminism" further extended the suffering of oppressed
- nationals, as suffragettes argued that if white men didn't give
- white women the vote, white power would be fatally threatened. A
- Kentucky suffragist leader wrote that the National American
- Women's Suffrage Association "never hesitated to show that the
- White women's vote would give supremacy to the white race."(5)
- These white supremacists decided the suffragette movement would
- wear white. It was a convenient decision: the only thing missing
- from their day-time wardrobe was the white hoods they needed for
- nighttime cross-burnings and lynchings.
-
- The Amerikan women of the pseudo-feminist movement today pay proud
- homage to their early white supremacist sisters, as they wear
- white in National Organization for Women marches. And the white
- labor movement leads a massive fight to keep their jobs at
- hundreds of times the wages of Third World workers, and keep
- immigrant competition away. They clamor for war and conquest
- abroad, and for the repression of revolutionary movements among
- the oppressed in the ghettos, barrios and fields within Amerika.
-
- The only revolutionary movement within Amerika since 1492 been the
- movement of oppressed nations against the dominant Amerikan
- nation. There is no revolutionary class or gender struggle
- separate from this overarching reality. Within the revolutionary
- struggle of the oppressed nations, proletarian and feminist
- struggles propel the movement forward. There can be no
- revolutionary "working class" movement, and no revolutionary
- "feminist" movement, which does not adopt the perspective of the
- oppressed nations, and fight for their emancipation.
-
- The first test of any revolutionary movement within Amerika
- remains the same today as it was the day Columbus first raped an
- Arawak woman: does the movement fundamentally oppose Amerika and
- all that it stands for? Or does it merely pose left in its quest
- -- deliberate or accidental -- for a unified oppressor nation?
-
- Notes:
-
- 1. J. Sakai, _Settlers: The Mythology of the White Proletariat_,
- Morningstar Press, 1983. pp.12-16.
-
- 2. Sakai, p.19.
-
- 3. Sakai, pp. 33-37. George MacNeil, ed., _The Labor Movement: The
- Problem of To-day,_ New York: 1892. pp.446-7.
-
- 4. See for example _Race Riot: Chicago in the Red Summer of 1919,_
- William Tuttle, New York: 1980.
-
- 5. Paula Giddings, _When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Black
- Women on Race and Sex in America,_ New York, 1984. pp.125-26.
-
-
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