NetNews Usenet Archive 1992 #27/NN_1992_27.iso/spool/alt/pagan/12918

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From: [e-mail] (Murray Altheim)
Subject: REPOST: Theocracy in America?
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Date: Mon, 16 Nov 1992 20:04:17 GMT
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[I've had quite a few requests for the "Theocracy in America?"
article, so here's the repost. It went through MS Word and back, so it
varies in format from the original post, but is unchanged in content.
My thanks to Ben Delisle for the original post.  -- Murray]

From: [e-mail] (Ben Delisle)
Subject: Theocracy In America?
Message-ID: [e-mail]>
Summary: Xian take over of American government and politics, and take
over of the GOP
Date: Thu, 12 Nov 92 10:25:52 PST

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Subject: Theocracy in America?
[Reproduced without permission from the Denver Post, October 25, 1992]

"We are going to place Pat Robertson on city councils, school boards
and legislatures all over this country" -- Pat Robertson

Born Again Politics The Religious Right and the GOP Story by Claire
Martin

When Pat Buchanan announced, "There is a religious war going on in our
country for the soul of America" at the Republican National Convention
last August, he was surrounded by GOP delegates who knew exactly what
he was talking about.

Forty percent of those delegates came to the convention through
campaigns orchestrated by members of the Christian religious right --
a collective term for fundamentalist, Pentecostal, evangelical and
charismatic Christian Republicans who believe in a narrow, literal
interpretation of the Bible. Most are newcomers to politics, elected
through campaigns conducted through churches, fighting for dramatic
changes at every level of government.

They see themselves in a holy war, "Godly people" crusading against
abortion-rights activists, gay and lesbian civil rights activists,
family leave advocates, divorce, working women and feminists, sex
education programs and school curricula that ignore creationism and
other Bible-based teachings, including prayer.

Most Americans have ignored the religious right, or dismissed it as a
minority fringe. But the religious right is a powerful group, with a
formidable political network that crosses state lines and an agenda to
reconstruct this country's government from school boards to the Oval
Office.

When national campaign efforts foundered -- the 1988 presidential bids
of televangelist Pat Robertson (now president of the Christian
Coalition) and former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke (whose campaign
manager, Billy McCormack is now the Christian Coalition's Louisiana
director) -- the religious right shifted its attention to local
elections.

After successfully placing candidates during 1990 local elections in
California and Virginia, the religious right has multiplied its
efforts. This year, though a network of Christian-based advocacy and
education groups, it has coordinated campaigns and ballot initiatives
throughout the country. Some examples:

 o Christian conservatives in Colorado network with Christian
conservatives in Oregon, Missouri, Maine and Florida, sharing
strategies to promote anti-gay rights initiatives. Two brochures
advocating the Colorado and Oregon initiatives are almost identical.

 o In Iowa, Phyllis Schlafly's Eagle Forum and a Michigan member of
the Christian Coalition are working with the Iowa religious right to
defeat a proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the Iowa Constitution.

 o Republican caucuses in Colorado, Washington, Louisiana, Kansas,
Michigan, Arizona, Oregon and other states were dominated by religious
right delegates. They approved extremely conservative party platforms,
alienating many mainstream Republicans. The Washington state platform
recommends outlawing witchcraft and yoga, and the Republican national
platform calls for a barrier on the U.S.-Mexico border.

 o Throughout the United States, hundreds of religious right
candidates with no previous political experience won 1992 primary
elections and caucuses, often to the surprise of longtime GOP
politicians.

Most of the religious right candidates -- including state legislature
candidate and Fort Collins evangelical pastor Dan Nygaard -- won
primaries in counties where religious right groups conducted election
training seminars and distributed campaign guides laced with biblical
references. (Although Nygaard's First Christian Church hosts a
Citizens for Responsible Government seminar, he says he didn't attend
it and decided on his own to run for office.)

"It is a much more widespread phenomenon than most of us realize,"
says Chip Perlez of Political Research Associates, a political
watchdog organization in Boston.

"The Christian Right is much more powerful in the Rocky Mountain West
and the West Coast than it is in the East or the traditional Bible
Belt. This is a particular brand of fundamentalist Christianity that's
much more radical than the Bible Belt Christians."

With a November ballot that focuses on several of the religious
right's key issues -- gay rights, school vouchers and limited taxes --
as well as elections featuring newcomers with ties to conservative
Christian churches, Colorado is among the states that the religious
right apparently has targeted in 1992.

"I would say the national Christian Coalition is interested in a state
whose ballot had any issues or any concerned candidate with true moral
standards -- and by `moral standards' I mean biblical standards,
really -- that are what we consider traditional family values," says
David Nelson, director of the Christian Coalition's Colorado chapter.

"The national Christian Coalition would be more interested in the
results of that state's election than a state where none of the issues
are being discussed or elected on."

"One reason the religious right is hard to get a handle on, and a
reason that the national media was surprised in Houston (at the GOP
national convention), was that they fly under the radar," says David
Crane, vice president of People for the American Way, the liberal
Washington, D.C. organization that monitors the religious right and
other groups.

"They work on obscure elections, not state house or congressional
races. They focus on school boards, planning boards and hospital
boards -- elections where turnout traditionally is very light.
Everyone looks at David Skaggs and the national picture. But the
interesting thing is these stealth races -- elections that people pay
no attention to. Those are the models for what's going on. One day,
people are going to wake up and find the religious right running
schools, city councils and their congressional districts."

That is what some see happening in San Diego County, Calif. In 1990,
the religious right backed a slate of nearly 90 candidates, including
the local director of the Christian Coalition, for school boards,
county council, hospital boards and other offices.

Two-thirds of those candidates were elected, largely through campaigns
conducted through fundamentalist churches. The candidates rejected the
usual publicity of public debates, media interviews, candidate forums
and sample questionnaires.

Instead, volunteers for religious right candidates put fliers on cars
in certain church parking lots, and campaigned by telephone using
church directories. Volunteers distributing leaflets were instructed,
in writing, to "be quiet about the flier project."

One religious-right candidate, Tony Snesko, played down his religious
beliefs during the Poway city council campaign. After his election, he
began quoting scripture to support his opposition to gay-right
initiatives.

The success of largely unknown and inexperienced candidates astonished
many San Diego citizens, spurring the formation of the Mainstream
Voters Project, a nonpartisan watchdog group.

"Our concern was that we had people elected to school boards, hospital
boards, city councils, planning boards and other boards who did not
campaign visibly at all," said Rita Collier, a San Diego resident who
helped form the Mainstream Voters Project.

"It wouldn't have been so surprising if they hadn't been elected.
Who'd have cared? But when they were elected, you began wondering how
they were elected, and as we looked into it, we found an underground
campaign network among fundamentalist churches: phone banking, fliers
in parking lots and less-visible means of getting out the word on
candidates who, for the most part, had no previous experience."

The newly elected board immediately had an impact on county policies.
In Escondido, home of the Christian Voters League, a majority
religious-right school board came within one vote of stripping an
abstinence-based sex education course of all information on birth
control.

In other San Diego school districts, newly elected conservative board
members objected to using federal Department of Agriculture surplus
foods for school breakfast programs.

"They said it was socialism and if we feed these children at school,
it takes away from parental responsibility," Collier said.

In November, about 200 religious-right candidates are on the San Diego
ballots. The Christian Coalition also supported 16 candidates for the
California legislature, with contributions ranging from $12,000 to
$102,000. Twelve of the 16 candidates will be on the ballot.

"We expect the religious right to export their San Diego tactics
around the U.S., to other communities that might be ripe for
takeover," Crane says. "Colorado and Oregon could become the next San
Diegos."

Christian Coalition Executive Director Ralph Reed, Jr. says San Diego
is "a model of what Christians and evangelicals and pro-family Roman
Catholics are attempting to do around the nation."

"We're trying to generate as large a voter turnout as possible among
our constituency by communicating with them in a way that does not
attract the fire of our opponents," Reed told 1,000 people at the 1991
Road to Victory conference sponsored by the coalition.

During the past two years, the Christian Coalition sponsored Road To
Victory conferences, where Christian Coalition officials pass out
detailed manuals on the Republican delegate selection process in each
state. This year Reed is distributing 40 million voter's guides to
"pro-family" issues and candidates in dozens of elections, including
Colorado candidate races and ballot initiatives.

Local political activists in Colorado and other states are trained in
seminars taught by the Christian Coalition Leadership School, Focus on
the Family, Citizens for Responsible Government and other Christian
groups. Instructional pamphlets like Dan Dazlich's "A Christian Guide
to Colorado's Political System" explain the election process. The
seminars emphasize intense last-minute campaign blitzes that target
conservative church congregations.

"I think this will be the most effective coordinated activity by
evangelical Christians that we've ever seen," Reed told The Washington
Post earlier this month.

>From these seminars spring "pro-family" candidates and delegates with
tremendous support from local church congregations. With most of
Colorado's 35 evangelical ministries (including Focus on the Family)
based in Colorado Springs, the religious right is especially powerful
there.

Marcy Morrison, a Colorado Springs Republican, probably was the first
Colorado candidate who realized the power behind her opponent for the
District 22 state legislative seat.

Newcomer Ken Gray was a graduate of the Christian Broadcast Network
University's law school (now Regent University law school), which Pat
Robertson established as a Bible-based law school. His campaign
targeted evangelical churches.

Gray's primary campaign materials stressed his family values, but
failed to discuss his anti-abortion stance -- something that Gray
reserved for "targeted" audiences, he said at a New Life Church anti-
abortion seminar.

At the May GOP caucus in Colorado Springs, Gray walked away with 50
percent of the delegates -- unprecedented for an inexperienced,
unknown candidate, and something "that gave us our first clue,"
Morrison said, "that we were in trouble."

Although mainstream Republicans dismissed Morrison's fears, she
campaigned vigorously, spending twice as much as Gray. She won by 27
votes.

Other Colorado Republicans, including incumbents Bonnie Allison, Stan
Johnson and Marlene Fish, were defeated by newcomers. Penn Pfiffer,
Lynn Watwood, Dan Nygaard, Pat Miller, Bryan Day, Bob McDonald, Drew
Clark and Victor Mote all ran "pro-family" campaigns closely linked
with conservative churches, and beat opponents who wrote them off.

"He came out of nowhere," Alllison said of Watwood, an attorney who
has worked for the Rutherford Institute and Colorado for Family
Values.

"When I polled people in June, I was winning 2-to-1. My supporters
assumed I'd be okay. Watwood got to his followers, and they all
voted."

Allison has since endorsed Democratic candidate Mike Feeley, and
changed her party affiliation to Independent.

"I think it's great that people are getting involved," says Dudley
Brown, deputy campaign manager for Republican evangelical pastor Bryan
Day's congressional campaign against David Skaggs.

"If school vouchers, pro-family values and limited government are the
tenets of what you call the religious right, then I think people
should be happy to be associated with it," Brown said. "The question
is, if (the religious right) tries to impose (its) religious beliefs
on others, then we have to be careful not to make a state-sponsored
religion. But debate about all this is pretty healthy."

>From Byran Day to Lyn Watwood, newcomer "pro-family" Republican
candidates are opposed to abortion and gay rights, and in favor of
school vouchers, limited government and legally requiring a balanced
budget. Those are the issues that matter most to their targeted
constituents.

"When people talked to me, they asked how I felt about vouchers or
abortion," says Morrison.

"Especially abortion, over and over. They didn't discuss experience or
background or positions on other issues because they weren't
interested. As soon as I said I didn't think government should be
involved in abortion, it was the end of the conversation."

Abortion is a key issue for the Eagle Forum, Concerned Women for
America, Focus on the Family, Iowa's Stop ERA, and other religious
right groups. Lon Mabon's Oregon Citizens Alliance, which is backing
the state's anti-gay rights Measure 9 this November, also has
sponsored two unsuccessful anti-abortion ballot measures. The OCA also
has opposed legislation for family leave and pre-kindergarten
programs, objecting that the programs were anti-business and anti-
family.

Anti-abortion activists, led by Schlafly's Eagle Forum, also are the
chief opponents of Iowa's Equal Rights Amendment. Marlene Elwell, a
Michigan Republican who was the Midwest coordinator for Robertson's
1988 presidential bid, directs Iowa's Stop ERA campaign. A "Stop ERA"
fund-raising letter, written by Robertson described the Iowa ERA as a
"feminist agenda" that encourages women to leave their husbands, kill
their children, practice witchcraft and become lesbians."

In Colorado, Amendment 2's advocates include Colorado for Family
Values, former U.S. Sen. Bill Armstrong and University of Colorado
football coach Bill McCartney, both opponents of abortion; Concerned
Women for America; the Eagle Forum; Traditional Values Coalition; and
the Christian Coalition. The ultimate goal, CFV chairman Will Perkins
says, is to have a Constitutional amendment restricting homosexuals.

"We operated a stealth campaign," CFV's Tony Marco told Christian
American (the Christian Coalition's bimonthly newsletter), explaining
CFV's signature gathering strategy for putting Amendment 2 on the
November ballot.

"We went under their radar. They never knew what strength we had."

Since then, Marco also has advised and shared material with gay-rights
opponents in Tampa, Fla., Portland, Maine, and Columbia, Mo. Anti-gay
right brochures in those states, as well as Colorado and Oregon,
liberally quote Paul Cameron, a Nebraska psychologist who believes
people who are HIV-positive should be tattooed on their foreheads.
(Cameron's controversial research on homosexual behavior caused both
the American Psychological Association and the Nebraska Psychological
Association to drop Cameron's membership, which CFV blames on
political pressure from gays.)

Tampa activists, led by Florida Christian Coalition director Tom
Scott, and Portland activists succeeded in putting their initiatives
on local ballots. Columbia activists are having trouble collecting
enough signatures to qualify for an initiative.

"It's fascinating what's happening around the country," says Eric
Niewoehner. "We're mobilizing a section of society that hasn't been
involved in politics, working with lay representatives from churches
that have historically been low-key. Conservative Christians here have
almost had a disgust for politics in the past. Now we're getting
together, working on issues. Sex education. Pro life. The school
prayer issue. I'd rather have these issues in an election because then
people will show up (who) are more issue-based."

Voters almost never turn out en masse for local elections or party
precinct caucuses. Few know the names of local school board members,
or attend neighborhood precinct meetings. Often if you want to be a
delegate or make sure your candidate has enough support to get on the
ballot, it's as easy as showing up at a meeting.

"In some precincts, you can take over a caucus with only five people,"
says Denver Republican Diane Dillingham, who has hosted two precinct
meetings where she was the only attendee.

"Send 40 people from your church, and you can control the caucus."

With the help of caucus and candidate election seminar leaders, that's
exactly what the religious right did this year. Throughout the U.S.,
conservative Christians gained control, or near-control, of Republican
caucuses and conventions in at least 12 states, including Colorado.

Kansas Republicans estimated that 84 percent of their precinct
delegates were members of the religious right. Fifty-four of more than
300 delegates in Kansas were arrested in 1991 Operation Rescue
protests.

In Colorado, religious right delegates composed between 40 percent and
50 percent of caucuses along the Front Range, targeting "certain
counties -- Boulder, Jeffco, Weld and Larimer," says Republican Chris
O'Dell.

"If they don't control the party machinery up there now, they will
soon."

Nelson says his local Christian Coalition office has nothing to do
with the success of conservative Christian candidates. He credits
other groups, including Citizens for Responsible Government, a
Christian anti-abortion group that distributed leaflets in
congregation parking lots on the Sunday preceding the August primary
and plans to repeat that tactic in November.

"I don't call the Christian Coalition that effective," says Day
staffer Dudley Brown. "I was a delegate to Houston. I think that was
the Republican Party, right there. There are liberals in the party
that are calling that extreme. Look at our platforms. Always
conservative. Always have been. Did the religious right nutty zealots
do all that? No. It's been around for a while."

Although religious right candidates usually take pains to disassociate
their campaigns from the Christian Coalition, it is Robertson's
organization that ignited those campaigns and whose agenda goes beyond
ensuring a public forum for its issues.

Robertson has said that he wants the religious right to control the
Republican Party by 1996. That would save a country controlled by a
"tightly knit cabal whose goal is nothing less than a new order for
the human race under the domination of Lucifer and his followers,"
Robertson wrote in his 1991 book, "The New World Order."

The alternative to the current U.S. government system, according to
many conservative Christians, is Christian Reconstructionism, a
movement founded by Californian Rousas John Rushdoony. Christian
Reconstructionism is based on the belief that civil law would be
grounded in a literal interpretation of the Bible

Rushdoony is a regular on Robertson's "700 Club," envisions a
theocratic United States. Churches, not welfare systems, would be
responsible for the poor. Private schools would replace public
schools. Whipping and capital punishment would punish prisoners,
replacing prisons. That vision appeals to many who consider themselves
"pro-family" and anti-government.

"They're trying to turn the country into a theocracy, and we're not
going to let it happen," Anne Witte, a moderate Republican in
Washington state, told the Seattle Times. Republicans formed the New
Agenda, a pro-choice, pro-controlled-growth group to counter the
impact of religious right Republicans

Other mainstream Republicans responded to the religious right by re-
registering as Democrats or Independent. Many are pessimistic: "Wait
and see," said on Colorado Springs Republican. "They're going to make
a dent in textbooks, they'll censor everything but the books they
consider acceptable."

Members of the religious right say that such changes are what this
country needs.

"It's obvious we need new people in government, and the Christian have
been in the background for too many years," the Colorado Christian
Coalition's Nelson says.

"The fact they're getting involved now is good for everybody. We talk
about traditional family values and morality, and the country needs
both. We used to be PG-rated, and now we're an X-rated society."

To maintain the momentum, the activism will continue after Election
Day. Focus on the Family and the Rocky Mountain Family Council are
sponsoring a Community Impact Seminar in Colorado Springs next month
to provide "practical guidance on how to speak on behalf of family
concerns."

The same seminar, held last month in Denver, provides "the Biblical
basis for political activism," according to a promotional letter about
the event. The letter described Focus on the Family's "expanded
involvement in the public policy arena," which the organization
describes as educational and nonpartisan.

Mainstream Republicans question whether such seminars violate laws
limiting the politics of tax-exempt churches. Dillingham admires the
religious right's campaign coordination, but questions their forums.

"They say all they're doing is educating, not advocating, but where
does educating become advocating?" she asked.

"We need to explore where they break down the traditional separation
of church and state, like training sessions in their church, like the
tacit compliance of ministers when pamphlets are passed out, or
passing out "voters guides" in churches that are tax exempt but
clearly indicate which candidate to vote for."

Other Republicans think it's too late to ask those questions.

"I think there elections are a warning in neon light to Republicans,"
says Republican Claire Traylor.

"Either we wake up to it and do something else, or we organize to
reconstruct our party to it represents a broad base, the old values,
and eliminate some of these new things being promoted by what I think
is a small minority. But Lord knows if it's small anymore. We may have
already lost the battle in Colorado. You and I don't know that. We'll
find that out in the election, I guess.



The Organizations

While Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition is usually identified with
the religious right, dozens of other organizations espouse the same
values and causes. These organizations are among the most prominent
groups in Colorado and nationwide. The national groups generally
associated with state and local affiliates that may have different
names. Membership figures were not available for all the
organizations.



American Family Association

President: Rev. Don Wildmon.

National Membership: 450,000

Wildmon also has formed the American Family Association Law Center,
which provides legal assistance in religious-right causes. AFA
provided financial and organizing support to the Take Back Tampa
Political Committee, which is fighting a Tampa, Fla., gay rights
ordinance. It also is active nationally in challenges to the National
Endowment for the Arts.



Christian Action Network

Founder: Martin Mawyer, a former Moral Majority official

Their current issue: "educat(ing) the American public on what Bill
Clinton has promised the homosexual community" and working to repeal
gay-rights ordinances in Colorado and Oregon. Creators of an anti-gay
rights/anti-Clinton television commercial that is airing nationally on
commercial and Christian television stations.



Christian Coalition

President: Pat Robertson.

National membership: 400 chapters in 46 states, with 175,000 members.

The coalition sponsors annual Road to Victory conferences to educate
members on campaigning for local and state elections, as well as
Christian Coalition Leadership School seminars throughout the United
States to train political activists to conduct civic and partisan
campaigns, hoping to train 25,000 activists by 1995. The group also
supports efforts to overturn gay-rights ordinances, challenge public
school textbooks and library books, oppose family leave and some
federal assistance programs, including federally funded school
breakfasts.



Citizens for Excellence in Education

President: Bob Simonds.

CEE's mission is to elect members of the group to all 16,000 school
boards throughout the United States. Simonds also founded the National
Association of Christian Educators and has published pamphlets and
booklet, including "How to Elect Christians to Public Offices," a
questionnaire for school-board candidates. CEE also mounts challenges
to public school textbooks and library books. In the 1991-1992 school
year, CEE activists objected to "Little Red Riding Hood," J.D.
Salinger's "The Catcher in the Rye," John Steinbeck's "Of Mice and
Men" and other books, basing those objections on perceived references
to satanism, occultism and New Age beliefs.



Colorado for Family Values

Chairman: Will Perkins

CFV began in 1991 to defeat a legislative initiative to protect
homosexuals from harassment and discrimination, and a Colorado Springs
gay-rights initiative. CFV is the driving force behind Amendment 2,
and has assisted in anti-gay rights campaigns in Oregon, Columbia,
Mo., Portland, Maine, and Tampa, Fla. CFV's board of directors include
Sharon Bath, who attended the 1991 Christian Coalition "Road to
Victory" conference; Barbara Sheldon of the Colorado chapter of the
Traditional Values Coalition; Randy Hicks of Focus on the Family; the
Rev. Leon Kelly, the anti-gang activist; and Bert Nelson, president of
the Colorado chapter of Concerned Women for America.



Concerned Women for America

President and founder: Beverly LaHay.

Membership: Given as 500,000 to 600,000 nationwide.

This ultraconservative anti-feminist, anti-gay rights group supported
U.S. Supreme Court nominees Robert Bork and Clarence Thomas, and has
actively mounted grass-roots campaigns in many state and local
elections. CWFA is fighting Iowa's Equal Rights Amendment and gay-
rights measures in Colorado, Oregon, Georgia, Florida and Maine. The
group also has challenged public-school textbooks and library books
for failing to promote biblical values.



Eagle Forum President

and Founder: Phyllis Schafly.

National Membership: Given as 50,000 to 80,000

This organization was active in locally based battles against abortion
right, day care, family leave and other issues, especially the 1992
battle to defeat Iowa's ERA. An offshoot of the Eagle Forum
successfully campaigned in Jacksonville, Fla., to have the school
board adopt "Teen Aid," a sex-education curriculum that advocates
abstinence as the only form of birth control. A Planned Parenthood
suit against the program claims it is religiously based, inaccurate
and fails to meet state statutory requirements for sex education.
Eagle Forum, with Colorado's Focus On The Family, also was active in
pressuring the Alabama state school board to ban HIV/AIDS education
material from state-approved school materials.



Focus On The Family

President: James Dobson.

This group is based in Colorado Springs and has a $60 million annual
budget. It is active nationwide in supporting anti-abortion and anti-
gay rights candidates. Focus on the Family has several associate
coalitions of special-interest groups who purpose, Dobson has said, is
to ensure legislators "can no longer write off the concerns of
conservative Christian families."

Active in opposing gay-rights and equal-rights amendment ordinances,
and in challenges to public school textbooks and library books, Focus
On The Family sponsors Community Impact Seminars, "encourag(ing)
Christian involvement at a grassroots level," in Colorado and other
states.



National Empowerment Television

Director: Paul Weyrich, co-founder with Jerry Falwell of Moral
Majority.

NET stresses issues important to the religious right, featuring
programs with high-ranking government officials including cabinet
secretaries and U.S. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas.



Rutherford Institute

Co-founder: R.J. Rushdoony

The institute is based at Virginia Beach, Va., near the Christian
Coalition national headquarters. Rushdoony is a leading Christian
reconstructionist who advocates restructuring civil law to be grounded
on a literal interpretation of the Bible. The institute focuses on
anti-abortion rights and "religious liberty" cases advocating public
prayer, including creationism in public-school curricula. Rutherford
Institute materials are used by gay-rights opponents in Colorado and
Oregon.



Traditional Values Coalition

President: Lou Sheldon.

Membership: 7,000 conservative Christian churches in California and
representatives in other states, including Colorado, where TVC of
Colorado chairman Barbara Sheldon is an executive board member of
Colorado for Family Values. TVC is a formidable force in California,
campaigning against abortion and gay-rights laws. Working with other
"pro-family" groups, Sheldon has announced plans to conduct 40 to 50
seminars throughout California "to train our public affairs
representatives to go back to their churches and educate people before
talking about voter registration.



"You can have Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson stand in front of a bank
of microphones and endorse our candidates, or you can quietly send out
a pro-family slate that tells our community who the candidates are our
ballot."         -- Ralph Reed, Jr.

"America is at a crossroads. Either she returns to her Christian roots
or she will continue to legalize sodomy, slaughter innocent babies,
destroy the minds of her children, squander her resources and sink
into oblivion.         -- Pat Robertson

"We want as soon as possible to see a majority of the Republican Party
in the hands of pro-family Christians by 1996."         -- Pat
Robertson

"It's very naive to think that there's a peaceful co-existence today
(between liberals and conservatives), and the bottom line is, it's
either us or them.         -- The Rev. Billy Falling, Christian Voters
League




--
Murray M. Altheim      "Ils ont l'orteil de Bouc, & d'un Chevreil l'oreille,
Instructional Consultant    La corne d'un Chamois, & la face vermeille
CSU, Sacramento          Comme un rouge Croissant: & dancent toute nuict
[e-mail]       Dedans un carrefour, ou pres d'une eau qui bruict."