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- From: mim@nyxfer.UUCP
- Newsgroups: alt.activism
- Subject: The Messengers:Latino Liberation St
- Message-ID: <eJRJwB1w165w@nyxfer.uucp>
- Date: 29 Dec 92 22:20:00 GMT
- Sender: Notesfile to Usenet Gateway <notes@igc.apc.org>
- Lines: 241
- Nf-ID: #N:eJRJwB1w165w@nyxfer.uucp:60131534:000:11219
- Nf-From: nyxfer.uucp!mim Dec 29 14:20:00 1992
-
-
- Subject: The Messengers:Latino Liberation Struggle
- From: nyxfer!mim (Maoist Intl'ist Mvmnt)
-
-
- Via The NY Transfer News Service * All the News that Doesn't Fit
-
- from the Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM)
-
- MIM Notes, Issue 70: November, 1992
-
-
- The Messengers:
- Latino Liberation Struggle
-
- by a comrade
-
- In MIM Notes 67, MIM published an interview with CIA (Chicano in
- Action), a leader of the rap group Subversive Element. CIA is also
- a leader of the Messengers, a growing revolutionary movement of
- predominantly young Latinos. In this issue MIM follows up with a
- greater emphasis on the Messengers themselves. A comrade
- interviewed Drill Sergeant, and CIA again, in Holyoke, Mass.
- Excerpts follow.
-
- DRILL SERGEANT
-
- MIM: What is the message of the Messengers?
-
- Drill Sergeant: From my point of view, I think the message of the
- Messengers is to empower the Latino people in a positive way, to
- educate them more about Puerto Rican history and their culture, so
- that they can become more attuned with what's going on in this
- society, and what actually is happening in their environment
- that's causing all the problems...
-
- When I come I speak to them about Pedro Albizu Campos, the Puerto
- Rican revolutionary leader that made an impact on the island of
- Puerto Rico. I talk to them about the Taino Arawaks that were
- extinct due to Spanish conquest in Puerto Rico and the Caribbean
- region, as well as Central and South America. So that's my job
- here, so they feel good about themselves as a people.
-
- MIM: How would you describe the political state of the people, in
- terms of who's ready for a revolutionary movement?
-
- DS: Revolution has to come from within. It can't come from
- without. If we're not ready as a people to come together, there's
- no way we're going to do a revolution. Because a lot of people
- think of revolution in a negative kind of way. I look at a
- revolution from an intellectual point of view. A revolution has to
- be brought in when people think the same way, they all share the
- same common interests and concerns. Not having people come
- together with different interests and different agendas. People
- have to be together and think about one thing: Latino empowerment.
- Because right now the majority of Messengers are Latinos, but
- we're hoping that other people -- Afro-Americans, Native
- Americans, Asian Americans, maybe some white people -- come and
- join us so that we could be more united and understand each
- other's point of view.
-
- We could do a revolution if we understand the concepts of Mao, of
- Guevara, of Castro, and other people who have made an impact on
- this society. We don't want, y'know -- revolution is not all about
- violence. Revolution is about making a change, of making people
- aware of the things that are imposing on us, like people looking
- on us in a negative type of way, of stereotyping us as gangs.
- We're not a gang, we're a classroom. We're here to teach people,
- get them out of the streets.
-
- MIM: MIM has described America as being a dominant nation with
- internal nations or colonies inside it, and that's one of the best
- things for applying Maoism in terms of national liberation
- struggle. Is national liberation the way you look at this?
-
- DS: Yes, I think liberation, within the Messengers, within the
- Latino people, from the Pioneer Valley, from around the United
- States and hopefully around the world, is the way to go. Because
- we have to liberate ourselves from the environment. This negative
- -- it feels like the type of environment that the majority of
- Latinos live in, from the lower income class, is that they're
- trapped, they can't get out of the dependency mode.
-
- We can't live like that anymore. We have to structure our lives
- and look beyond. Because I believe that if we all educate
- ourselves -- because the majority of Messengers are between 14 to
- 19, and there's some older ones too, but most of them have dropped
- out of high school -- so we tell them to educate themselves and
- that's one way, that's a step toward freedom, toward liberation.
-
- MIM: Within the U.S. MIM has talked about the Black Panther Party
- as being the last revolutionary vanguard movement that was a
- movement in Amerika. You talked before about Albizo Campos and the
- Puerto Rican struggle. What other kind of inspiration or history
- do you look at for motivation?
-
- DS: I also go into the Chinese Revolution -- Mao Zedong -- and
- also the Bolshevik Revolution: little revolutions that happened in
- the 20th century that have made a change. But we have to focus on
- our own struggle, the Latino revolution, first. We look at those
- as models, to look up to, to get information from, to get
- knowledge from, but we have to come with our own concept of what
- we perceive as a revolution.
-
-
- CHICANO IN ACTION (CIA)
-
- MIM: How do you see the role of education and ideology in the
- political development of the people?
-
- CIA: I see that we take what we have, which is a common knowledge,
- that surpasses what most people have in this community by virtue
- of the fact that that knowledge is not easily accessible to them.
- Our purpose here is to be the tool for them to gain that
- knowledge. I mean, if the city is working against the community,
- to deny them that information, then it is our duty, for our
- community, to inform them.
-
- MIM: So one of the things going on here is miseducation or
- counter-education in the public schools. That's a lot to go up
- against. People spend a lot of years in school.
-
- CIA: Oh yeah. Well we witness a lot of ignorant things here. We
- have students even in the Messengers who want to learn, they
- realize that the system as far as education goes wasn't built to
- be attractive to Latin Americans students, and yet we encourage
- them to learn it anyway, to get through it, because it wasn't
- meant for them to get through. And yet, even though they have the
- desire, they have come up against obstacles like being denied the
- right to sit down in a classroom as a result of not paying a $20
- fine for a book. ... The effort to keep students in is not as much
- of a concern to them as to keep them out.
-
- MIM: There's cross purposes where the people want education and
- the state wants social control...
-
- CIA: I think they're the same thing. I think that in this society
- the idea of education is social control. How could it not be? I
- mean, if it doesn't represent this community, the Latin American
- community, if it doesn't represent them, it represents something
- else, then they are thereby controlling what they learn, and
- controlling how they react in society. If they don't swallow it,
- then they're going to react in society as something ... they're
- going to act lost. When you act lost, and when you act like you're
- dying and you're throat is cut, you're going to run around in a
- confused state, having mindless actions about you. You're going to
- do some mindless things. And that's exactly a control there
- itself. They let you run around mindless, and at the same time
- they got the control over what you look like in society. So I
- think it's the same thing.
-
- MIM: I want to talk about this gang thing a little bit, because
- drug trafficking and a lot of other crimes against the people do
- go on; at the same time we've taken the position that those are
- disputes among the people for the people to work out, and that the
- state coming in and condemning gangs, the mainstream media coming
- in and condemning gangs, will create more of a negative effect
- than a positive effect in terms of combatting any actual problems.
- Does that make sense?
-
- CIA: That makes perfect sense. [laughs] Think about it. I know for
- a fact that in this particular city $500,000 was asked for by the
- police department in order to increase enforcement, an additional
- $3,000 to make sure that they had foot officers in the schools,
- and $5,000 for a DARE ["anti-drug"] program. Now, that might seem
- all good and well to help out the efforts of the police force to
- "police" -- and that's a strong word -- the community, but the
- community isn't actually seeing any of that money. The community
- could use some of that money for reparations to its own buildings,
- to its streets, to its school system for books.
-
- MIM: The majority of the white public and the white media does not
- make a distinction between "good" oppressed people organizing, and
- "bad" oppressed people organizing. Oppressed people organizing for
- themselves, they have a label for it now, they call it gangs, they
- assume it's about drugs and terrorism...
-
- CIA: Exactly.
-
- MIM: We're dealing with that now with the revolution in Peru. The
- story is that they're really just drug traffickers. But if you go
- back and look at history, you look at China, the Russian
- Revolution, whatever, and look at what the Amerikan press
- said -- they said they were terrorists every time.
-
- CIA. Exactly. I mean, I'm pretty clear-headed when it comes to
- things like that. I know the difference between the bandit that
- Poncho Villa was supposedly and the revolutionary that he actually
- was [Pancho Villa was a Mexican revolutionary who led an armed
- uprising from 1913 till he was killed in 1923.]...
-
- And in terms of what we're doing out here, they don't want us to
- be united. OK, once we're united as a community -- I'm speaking on
- Latin America, I'm not just speaking for Puerto Ricans alone or
- Mexicans alone, or Colombians alone, etc. -- you talk about
- pan-Latin Americanism where you're not just dealing with 16.3
- million Mexicans in the United States, and then you start dealing
- with a community of close to 100 million, the government turns
- around and sees you making a unified and collaborative effort to
- make changes here, that's when you become a subversive, that's
- when you become an operation to undermine a government, and that's
- when you can hear knees shaking in the White House.
-
- When we speak about the white man, we don't speak about the white
- man in terms of the person that you see every day. I mean, why
- would I want to go and attack a puppet, when I can get the
- puppeteer? There's a difference...
-
- The first issue is to throw the cold water on the face of your
- people, wake them up, and point them in the right direction. Once
- you get them going in the right direction, and not to the side --
- oh, the police force is wrong; oh, education is wrong; oh, health
- care is wrong, they're all problems within those institutions.
- But, they're just on the string of the puppeteer. And if you keep
- going headlong, then you're going to see a battle. Too many people
- get sidetracked about the results of the efforts of the persons in
- charge of the system.
-
- MIM: You get caught up fighting symptoms instead of fighting the
- problem.
-
- CIA: Exactly.
-
- -30-
-
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