Speech by the President of SYNASPISMOS Athens, 22nd November 1997 |
I would like to give you a warm welcome to this meeting on behalf of the SYNASPISMOS Coalition of the Left and Progress. Our proposal that the Forum of the European New Left should meet in our country for the third time, confirms the significance which our party attributes to this process of multilateral dialogue and common action by the forces of the Left. It is not a figure of speech to say that we are meeting in a period of critical and even dramatic developments, which entail both great dangers and threats, but also possibilities for the Left. The bankruptcy of the neoliberal politicians, both nationally and internationally, makes even more obvious the need for radical changes on the basis of the ideals and values of a contemporary Left. Friends, We cannot discuss the problems and prospects of Euro-Mediterranean Co-operation without also talking about the problems and prospects of European Integration. The choice of principles and policies to be implemented in the EU's relations with third Mediterranean countries is directly linked to the question of what principles and policies will prevail within the Union itself. If, for example, the EU continues to act on the basis of perceptions like that expressed by Chancellor Kohl, that "unemployment is a national problem", then integration will not lead to a "common space of freedom and solidarity", but only to a huge free market within which inequalities will be reproduced and social injustices will increase. Anyone can see that this kind of EU will not have the bridging of the North-South gap as its basic criterion for the development of Euro-Mediterranean Co-operation. Fortunately, within Europe there are not only the forces represented by Mr Kohl. There is also the Left in all its many forms and which is also represented at the governmental level in some countries. The Left which is fighting for the 35-hour week, and for a Social, Ecological and Peaceful Europe. The Mediterranean South can rely on the solidarity of this Europe. Consequently, the battle to change Europe is also a meaningful act of solidarity with the South Mediterranean peoples. For us, the radical revision of the European Union Treaties is still a necessity after Amsterdam. The current EU is far from following a path which would lead to a United Europe of the peoples and its citizens, which is our own vision. In direct connection with the above, the question must also be answered: what will be the Mediterranean dimension of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU? We believe that the answer cannot be a role similar to that which the EU played in the crisis of the Gulf and Yugoslavia. If "the Mediterranean is Europe", as many European politicians say, then the EU must implement a geneuine European and not Euro-Atlantic policy for the Mediterranean. A policy which will be based on new structures and not on those inherited from the Cold War, a policy based on processes of multi-dimensional security with the emphasis on crisis prevention. On this basis, the SYN is against the Eastern and Southern enlargement of NATO, while on the other hand, we are in favour of the Enlargement of the EU with the prospect that the whole of our continent will belong to tomorrow's United Europe. The Problems of the Mediterranean Friends, The Mediterranean has been described as the 'barometer of the world's political climate". And this description is explicable and justified. We should just note two things: First, that in this region there have been two major wars, those in the Gulf and in Yugoslavia, which have left their mark on the world more generall.y. Let us remember that it was after the Gulf War that President Bush proclaimed the new doctrine of the so-called "new world order". The second point which should be noted is that the Mediterranean is a global crossroads, "the frontier" of Europe with the "third world" and of the East with the West, the cradle and site of co-existence (or according to others, of conflict) of different cultures and religions, and a very important pathway leading to regions rich in oil and other primary resources. From the viewpoint of the problems and the varying levels of socio-economic development, one could say that the centuries co-exist in the Mediterranean region. Many problems were bequeathed to the region by colonialism and the Cold War, but the post-bipolar era has added new ones. The Mediterranean is a region of chronic tensions and conflicts, whose causes are both external and internal. The problems of democratisation and of humanising international relations are particularly marked in the region. In spite of the decisions of the UN, the problems of the Middle East and Cyprus remain unresolved. The same applies to the problems of the Western Sahara and of the Kurds. At the same time, the promising agreement between the PLO and Israel is threatened with disaster, mainly due to the policy of Netanyahu. The disquieting picture with regard particularly to the Eastern Mediterranean is completed by the tension in Greek-Turkish relations. In its entirety this region of the Mediterranean, which absorbs 1/3 of global arms exports, is the most highly militarised region on the earth. Alongside the conventional weapons are nuclear and chemical arsenals. Many foreign bases remain and nuclear-carrying and nuclear-generated ships sail the Mediterranean. The major social inequalities and the North-South inequalities find a particularly dramatic expression in this region and are leading to new conflicts, to an upsurge of nationalism and of religious fundamentalism with tragic consequences, such as the recent mass murder of innocents in Egypt which we condemn unequivocally. These are the results of anti-democratic and anti-developmental national policies, but also of the neoliberal "globalisation" which it is claimed unites the world, while in reality it frequently leads to violent fragmentation, even of state entitities. If the current North-South relations in the Mediterranean are maintained, then it has been calculated that the development gap between the EU and the countries of the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean will rise from the present "one to ten" to "one to twenty" within the next 30 years. The destruction of the environment should also be viewed in the same context. The developed capitalist countries send their waste products to the Mediterranean, including nuclear and toxic waste, and they sell weapons while at the same time they raise barriers to the products of the Mediterranean countries and reduce their Development Aid. They take a large part of the wealth of the countries of the South, but they close the doors to the desperate people of the South, while domestically they follow policies which nourish xenophobia and racism. The role of the Left Friends, We will not be breaking any fresh ground if we say that a great deal has to change in the Mediterranean and that this will depend on the intervention of the forces of the Left, of Ecology and of Peace. The forces of the Left must formulate their own proposals and co-ordinate the promotion of their demands, both for the Mediterranean as a whole and for the various problems of the region. Overall the Mediterranean Left is strong, but its development from country to country is very uneven, more or less corrresponding to the inequality in the countries' socio-economic development levels. In certain countries the forces of the Left are being persecuted, while in others they are trying to regroup. The lack of democracy in a whole series of countries makes the activity of the Left difficult and does not allow its renewal in the context of a mutually nourishing relationship with society and social movements. Also, the Left's "living space" and its ideas will be limited as long as nationalism and religious fanaticism are increasing. For this reason, it must be uncompromising in confronting these phenomena. There is a need for the Left to organise its own Euro-Mediterranean dialogue. The Forum of the European New Left can contribute to this goal. Today we cannot talk about a Mediterranean political plan of the Left. However, we can talk about basic choices and certain immediate priorities on the basis of which the Left should build its action and co-operation. The Left choices are for peaceful conflict settlement, democracy, human rights, international solidarity, ecological security, and equal international co-operation. The Left choice is for respect for the right of each people to choose its own development path and not to adhere to the dominant model. The Left choice is to support the rule of International Law and not the law of the strong or the policy of "double standards" in relation to UN decisions. ╘he Left choice is the upgrading of the position and the role of women, which is a precondition for social progress. The Left choice is for the bridging and not the broadening of inequalities, for viable human development and not the type of "development" which leaves in its wake poverty, unemployment and environmental destruction. The Left's view that problems cannot be solved by military force has been confirmed by recent developments. This is demonstrated by the crisis in the Gulf, which every so often brings winds of war over the Middle East. What problems were solved by the Gulf War in 1991? It did not bring peace, nor democracy to Iraq. On the contrary, the policy of force has preserved the dictatorial regime of Saddam, while the first victims of the sanctions are the children and the people of Iraq, who are living through a true tragedy; On the other hand, the maintenance of the crisis in the Gulf allows the USA to maintain its leading role in the region in the context of the so-called "new order". Our proposals Our proposals are the following: 1. To build a Euro-Mediterranean Co-operation which will contribute to bridging the North-South gap in the Mediterranean in specific ways, such as through an increase in development aid, the regulation or abolition of the external debt, equal economic and commercial relations, and so on. There is strong economic interdependence between the EU and third Mediterranean countries which should lead to relations based on solidarity. 2. There is also interdependence in relation to security issues. For this reason, the Mediterranean should be regarded as a "common security area", in the multi-dimensional sense: political, economic, social, ecological, human. This means that procedures and institutions should be strengthened which signal the unity of the region. 3. On this basis it is necessary to bring back to the fore the idea of a Conference on Security and Co-operation in the Mediterranean (CSCM), with the participation of all the countries of the region. 4. At the same time, forms of subregional co-operation should be strengthened. And it is encouraging that Balkan Co-operation is gaining ground, while the Black Sea Co-operation is developing, with the participation of many Mediterranean countries. 5. Definitive for the security of the whole of the Mediterranean, but also for European and global security, is a complete peaceful solution to the Middle East problem. This means rescuing and completing the Israel-PLO peace process with the creation of an independent Palestinian state and the withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Arab territories. Europe should play a more active role and should assume initiatives in this direction. Without such a role, the future of Euro-Mediterranean Co-operation is doubtful. 6. An issue which is not of minor significance for Mediterranean security and for Euro-Mediterranean Co-operation is the solution of the Cyprus question on the basis of the UN decisions, through the promotion of the demilitarisation of the island and the creation of a bizonal-bicommunity Federation with a single sovereignty. The rapprochement and co-existence of the two communities, the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot, is the foundation for a united Cyprus. At the same time, the procedures for Cyprus' accession to the EU should go ahead, without any retrogression. 7. A significant parameter of developments in the Mediterranean, particularly in its Eastern basin, is the state of Greek-Turkish relations. We declare again on this occasion that it is not fated and inevitable for the two countries to be in a situation of confrontation and for the two peoples to pay a very heavy price in a frenetic arms race. We are in favour of direct dialogue, without mediators and on the basis of International Law, while we encourage and support "citizens' diplomacy" for the rapprochement and friendship of the two peoples. In addition, we have declared that we support Turkey's European orientation, on the basis of the conditions laid down by the European Parliament. Our solidarity with the Left and progressive forces in Turkey who are fighting for democracy and human rights will continue unimpaired, as will our support for the struggle for the rights of the Kurds and for a peaceful solution to the Kurdish problem. 8. The proposals for the denuclearisation and the demilitarisation of the Mediterranean and the Middle East must be supported. In particular, we propose that a Conference on demilitarisation and economic co-operation in the Eastern Mediterranean should take place as soon as possible. At the same time, we must demand the reduction and control of arms exports to the region. 9. Support for processes of democratisation and social development are the antidote to religious fundamentalism. Those who believe that theocracy is the way to confront military rule are mistaken. The tragedy of Algeria, which sends warning messages to other directions, should give us pause for thought. 10. The social and ecological movements, the solidarity committees and the non-governmental organisations more generally must be strengthened in the struggles which are developing for peace, viable development and co-operation in the Mediterranean. Greece's role Friends, Our country is from many viewpoints, the most "Mediterranean" country in Europe. The problems of the Mediterranean are also Greek problems. We believe that our country has the possibility to play a more active role and to assume initiatives in the Mediterranean region as long as it develops a dynamic multi-dimensional foreign policy. But the mistaken choices and failures of its Balkan policy have immobilised Greek foreign policy more generally. In our opinion, this policy requires a radical reorientation and long-term planning, but also a course of domestic recovery far from one-sided austerity policies and the downgrading of the country's productive dynamic. What we need is a Greek action plan for the Mediterranean 2000, which the present government simply does not have. For this reason, it lacks initiatives and loses opportunities to play a leading role, at least on certain issues. This vacuum must be filled - as far as possible - by the forces of the Left and by "citizens' diplomacy". (Zappeion Megaro, Athens-Greece 22 November 1997) |
13th Meeting of the NEW EUROPEAN
Ladies and Gentlemen,