On 15 June 1999, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece met to evaluate the results of the Euroelections. The CC arrived at the initial conclusions and assessments set out below:

The CC of the CPG salutes the hundreds of thousands of voters, especially those who entrusted their vote to the unifying militant ballot of the CPG overcoming dilemmas and pressures, promises and favours, as well as cultivated prejudices. It salutes the members, friends and followers of the Party and of KNE, the fighters who worked with us, and all those who contributed to the election campaign. The CC assures you that the CPG will continue its militant course, it will remain dedicated to its aim of developing and consolidating a broader popular alliance, common action in struggles and in political confrontations. It will continue its great effort to build the Anti-imperialist Anti-monopoly Democratic Front of struggle more intensively and with new vigour.

The election results of 13 June 1999 confirm that significant possibilities and conditions exist for popular unity to be developed and for militant rallying to proceed around major problems of concern to the working class and other popular strata in the city and the countryside. The tasks and responsibilities of communist men and women, of KNE members, of the friends and supporters of the Party, and of the militants who stood with us in struggles and in the election battle are increasing.

1. The election result demonstrated the decline in the total number of PASOK and ND voters, in comparison with both the national elections of 1996 and the European elections of 1994. Both these parties had particularly significant losses of votes in comparison with the national elections of 1996. The percentage of abstentions, which is slightly larger than before, to some degree expresses criticism of the two large parties and their policies. At the same time it shows that a significant segment of the popular strata has not been convinced that these parties have an alternative to the policy that generates poverty, unemployment and war. Finally, the abstentions and casting of blank votes are utilised mainly by the bourgeois parties, who have every reason not to want the collective action of the people, or its emancipation from defeatism and the logic of the EU being ½the only possible road╗.

The electoral strength of PASOK fell to its lowest point since 1981, while the increase for the ND, compared with the European elections of 1994, shows that it did not in essence manage to take advantage of the popular discontent. The ND tries to cover its policy with the mask of champion of the peopleÆs daily problems. The large losses of PASOK determined to some extent the rise of the ND to first place in the European elections.

2. The classical system of the two bourgeois parties alternating in government appears to have sustained a blow. But this positive factor by itself is not sufficient to change drastically the political correlation of forces or to raise serious obstacles to the commands of the imperialist organisations, to the neo-liberal policy of restructuring which are being promoted by the EU, or to the commitments arising from GreeceÆs membership in NATO.

Despite the positive processes taking place in recent years in the awareness of the people, the awakening of consciousness caused by the war against Yugoslavia and the aggravation of social problems, the two main parties continue to command a high percentage of the votes. They keep the broad popular strata constrained. The deeper cause must also be sought, among other things, in the systematic effort that has been made on a national and European level to coerce our people into accepting that the search for any other solution or prospect is dangerous. The mechanisms that force and manoeuvre the minds of the people are shown to be even stronger under conditions of crisis and the aggravation of peopleÆs problems. The deplorable state of the labour movement is a deterrent factor preventing a broader radicalisation

The sum total of votes for these two parties would have been even smaller if more of the popular forces had been liberated from the cage of false dilemmas, although the other opposition parties also maintained to one degree or another the logic of centre-left solutions, and the illusions of the possibility of transforming the EU through various remedies.

The dividing line between the parties is not determined by their size, i.e. large-small, but by their people-monopolies antithesis, by the stance of the political forces toward the choices and the orientation of the imperialist organisations, NATO and the EU.

3. The CC of our Party believes that there should be no complacency with respect to the capability on the part of PASOK and ND to constrain and manoeuvre by using false dilemmas and talk of danger, playing with the distress and hardships of the popular strata. There is an urgent need for more profound changes in the political awareness of the broad masses of the people, for understanding of the need for resistance focused around anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist demands and goals of struggle. The militant mobilisations of recent years and the election battle have shown that part of the popular masses wants to engage in common action with the communists, and that it responds positively to CPG initiatives, irrespective of the degree of agreement with the PartyÆs total positions and Programme. Consequently there is today more fertile ground for making more widely known the real character of the two-party confrontation, and the class nature of imperialist organisations such as the EU and NATO; for promoting a different way for the Greek society to evolve; for disseminating the CPGÆs political proposal, particularly among the workersÆ and other popular strata and among young people, a proposal which meets the needs and interests of the great majority of our people. The adverse correlation of forces on a national and international level is not fixed or immutable.

Let us continue our efforts to make people understand how dangerous is the policy of class collaboration and conciliation, the logic of ½the only road╗, and how deceptive and dangerous is the proposal regarding centre-left policy or centre-right scenaria, on the basis of the specific results all over Europe. The centre-left or centre-right collaboration scenaria will become stronger as the countryÆs establishment becomes aware that the alternation in power of the two parties with majority governments is no longer a certainty for the future.

4. The election results brought by the CPGÆs unifying militant ballot are positive in both the numbers and percentage of votes. It received thousands of new votes: 145,826 over and above the European elections of 1994 and 176,264 more than the national elections of 1996. Some of them came from voters who had stopped supporting our ballots after the crisis of 1990-1991. Another significant number of votes were cast for the first time. The most positive and dynamic element is that the PartyÆs support grew most in the urban centres and, it would appear, among younger people. Based on these data, the CC assesses that the election result constitutes a significant success, taking into account the fact that the CPG, in comparison with the other parties, put forward a different political proposal of overall opposition to and break with the prevailing policy and logic of the ½the only road╗.

The CC assesses that the increase in support for the CPG is not due solely to the militant action of its supporters, members and cadres, but also to KNEÆs significant increase in action, to the great effort and initiative by the friends and allies who collaborated in common struggles in recent years and on the ballot. The alliance formed in these recent elections was not random or opportunistic. It is the product and continuation of the PartyÆs unifying policy that has been developed in struggles since 1995, in the municipal and prefectural elections, in the movement against NATOÆs imperialist intervention, in struggles over education, in struggles to reorganise and revitalise the labour and agrarian movement, and to defend democratic and trade union rights against state violence and repression.

In common struggles, we communists are learning to take action alongside working people, popular strata and socio-political public figures who have different views from ours. They, on their part, have come into direct contact with us, they have had the opportunity to get to know us better, to learn about what we believe and how we act.

5. The CC believes that we must reflect more deeply on the main factors that led broader popular strata to vote for our ballot under conditions of sharp confrontation and under the weight of the powerful dilemmas that ND and PASOK are systematically cultivating. Such factors, in the view of the CC, are:

Our systematic effort to project the class character of the EU and of NATO, and therefore the need for opposition and break with the policy of these imperialist organisations, with the policy of the parties who support them and with the conciliatory reasoning of the other parties who promote consent, invoking adverse international correlations.

Our persistent orientation toward developing popular struggles and movements, in conjunction with promoting the need to form the Anti-monopoly Anti-imperialist Democratic Front. Our persistence should be stabilised and the struggle against the imperialist war strengthened. A stronger and more visible patriotic movement is needed to fight against the new NATO doctrine that tramples national independence, changes borders, abolishes sovereign rights, and involves our country in aggressive actions against neighbouring peoples, making it both the victim of imperialist policy as well as its instrument. The contribution of the Party base organisations (BOs) of northern Greece was significant, and especially that of the Thessaloniki BO, which made their presence strongly felt in the region which the government was responsible for making a launching base for the war.

Our constant dedication to promoting the alliance of radical forces, irrespective of ideological and political orientations or party membership, around social and political struggles, around movements; these forces may have differences and disagreements with the total Party policy, but they agree with us that a consistent opposition to the options of the EU and NATO must be developed.

The PartyÆs consistent effort to monitor and study international developments also contributed, as did our initiatives for common action with communist parties and anti-imperialist movements on a European and global level.

Our party found itself attuned to the peopleÆs feelings in major events, such as the war against Yugoslavia and the Ocalan issue, but also in workersÆ and farmersÆ struggles, and on the education front, because it is armed with the correct political line that was laid down at the 15^th Congress. It follows and studies developments, so its assessments are based on reality. It told the Greek people early on that the distribution of markets and plunder and intra-imperialistic conflicts bring war and incite nationalist clashes.

These positive factors could have led to even more votes, particularly to the expansion of the PartyÆs relations with the popular masses, to the rallying of forces, and therefore to election results, if we had been able to moderate visibly or even to overcome our chronic weaknesses and delays, that we have already pointed out and that have to do with:

Acquiring a higher ideological and political level for the Party, one that corresponds to the present day needs and demands.

Developing more substantial political and ideological links with the working class and the other popular strata in the workplace and at home, such as with young people, working and unemployed women.

The results would have been even better if all the party organisations had gained the ability and decisiveness necessary to undertake unifying and rallying initiatives through struggles and more general political action.

These conclusions and lessons should be learned by all Party members and cadres.

6. Although the results in the other EU member states have not yet been fully assessed, an initial conclusion that can be drawn is that the peoples cast their vote mainly against the social democrats and centre-left governments that had placed their seal on the CommunityÆs package of new reactionary measures. The strengthening of the neoliberal parties proves that social democracy has not only failed to constitute a counterweight to conservatism, but that it has become the latterÆs basic supplier, esepcially when it happens that the labour and popular movement is on a course of decline. The large number of people who abstained from voting in other European countries certainly expresses the popular discontent, and at the same time shows that the main goal of EU policy is to foster the popular massesÆs isolation from organised action. The election results all over Europe make it more urgently necessary to form the anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist pole that will constitute a counterweight to the EU and its choices and to NATO and its new doctrine. The main prerequisite for such a development is to overcome the serious problems remaining within the ranks of the communist movement that are associated with the repercussions of the crisis in the 1989-91 period.

7. The CC of the Party calls on party organisations to discuss the initial conclusions, to enrich them with their own experience, to make them more specific to their own field. It is most important to improve the operation of the base organisations and to develop systematic links with the popular strata in its field. Thus the quality of leadership and assistance to the party organisations is strengthened. The base organisations (BOs) constitute the foundation in the PartyÆs political action, in developing the class struggle, in elevating class consciousness, and in promoting the policy of social and political alliances. This is why there must be a speedier improvement in their action, so that the Party can respond to the needs and obligations deriving from the struggle and from building the Front. The first, immediate duty is for the members and cadres to join together in action with the radical popular forces that exist in their field, and to work even more closely with the friends and voters of the Party.

The BOs can open out further in places of work and education, in places where the popular strata, the young people live and toil. They should not withdraw into the routine of daily work, but should continue to rally forces around the fronts of common action with new vigour and method:

In the labour movement, and in the movement against NATO and the imperialist war.

In the struggle against the choices of the EU, in common struggles to solve the problems of the working class, the low and middle strata of the town and country, and the working intelligentsia; in the struggle for education, health, and culture; for democratic rights, against state repression and Schengen; in favour of establishing the simple proportional system, etc.

The CC believes that the Greek people should not for a moment stop struggling by the side of the people of Yugoslavia who are today under NATO occupation and threatened with new dangers from the so-called ½peace-keeping╗ forces and ½stability╗ agreement in the Balkans, which makes provision for the people to be robbed and manipulated. The people and the youth must prepared, for one additional reason: As part of the occupation army in Kosovo, there will be a Greek military force sent by the government to take active part in the imperialist plans in the region. Those who say that the war is over and that peace and the frontiers in the region are secured are consciously misleading the people.

The CC calls upon the people to be ready for action, because new anti-popular measures are on the way; new agreements are being drafted which cede our countryÆs sovereign rights, while significant sectors of strategic importance are up for sale to transnational capital. The main front of the CPGÆs attention is focused on the organisation of struggles, the policy of socio-political alliances on the fronts of action, the broad dissemination of the CPGÆs political proposal regarding the Anti-Monopoly, Anti-Imperialist Democratic Front of struggle.

The CC calls upon the popular strata and the social and political leaders who want to act side by side with us to support the unifying and rallying initiatives of the CPG, to give new political and electoral power to the CPG, because the power of the CPG can represent hope for the unity and militant alliance of the people.

The positive steps taken SO FAR should be continued and increased

CC of the CPG

15 June 1999